Pahadi Sudhir N

भाजपा 240 पर क्यों रुक गई — एक सीधी बात...

4 जून के बाद से मन में एक ही सवाल है —
जब माहौल इतना मजबूत था तो भाजपा 240 पर क्यों अटक गई?
थोड़ा ठंडे दिमाग से सोचें तो कुछ कड़वी सच्चाइयाँ सामने आती हैं।
1. 2014 – “प्रधान सेवक” की विनम्रता
2014 में आपने खुद को प्रधान सेवक कहा। देश को यह विनम्रता अच्छी लगी। जनता ने आपको ऐतिहासिक समर्थन दिया और आपने कई बड़े फैसले भी किए।
2. 2019 – “चौकीदार” का भरोसा
2019 में आपने खुद को देश का चौकीदार बताया। जनता ने और भी ज्यादा समर्थन दिया। इस दौर में भारत की वैश्विक प्रतिष्ठा बढ़ी और कई निर्णायक कदम उठे।
3. लेकिन एक वर्ग धीरे-धीरे नाराज़ होता गया
इन सबके बीच मध्यम वर्ग खुद को उपेक्षित महसूस करने लगा।
गरीबों के लिए योजनाएँ आईं — ठीक है।
अमीरों को किसी की जरूरत नहीं होती।
लेकिन टैक्स देने वाला मध्यम वर्ग कहाँ गया?
4. तुष्टीकरण के प्रयोग
अल्पसंख्यकों को जोड़ने के लिए किए गए कई प्रयोगों ने कोर वोटर को असहज किया।
राजनीति में संतुलन जरूरी होता है, लेकिन जब समर्थक ही असंतुष्ट होने लगें तो उसका असर दिखता ही है।
5. “400 पार” का उल्टा असर
“अबकी बार 400 पार” का नारा इतना भारी पड़ गया कि कई समर्थक वोट देने ही नहीं निकले।
लोगों ने सोचा — जीत तो तय है।
6. विपक्ष को अनजाने में ऑक्सीजन मिल गई
अत्यधिक आत्मविश्वास ने विपक्ष को भी ऊर्जा दी। वे सड़क पर उतरे और चुनाव को “सरकार बनाम जनता” की लड़ाई बताने लगे।
7. बंगाल में कार्यकर्ता मरते रहे
पश्चिम बंगाल में भाजपा के कार्यकर्ता वर्षों तक हिंसा झेलते रहे।
उन्हें लगा कि दिल्ली से अपेक्षित सख्त संदेश नहीं गया।
8. वाशिंग मशीन की राजनीति
दूसरी पार्टियों के भ्रष्ट नेता भाजपा में आते गए और तुरंत “पवित्र” हो गए।
पुराने कार्यकर्ता देखते रह गए।
जिन लोगों ने 2014 और 2019 में जान लगाई, वे धीरे-धीरे किनारे होते गए।
9. टिकटों में बाहरी चेहरों को प्राथमिकता
पार्टी विस्तार की रणनीति समझ में आती है, लेकिन जब पुराने कार्यकर्ताओं की जगह लगातार बाहर से आए नेताओं को टिकट मिले तो नाराज़गी स्वाभाविक है।
10. फैजाबाद का संदेश
अयोध्या के पास फैजाबाद सीट का परिणाम सिर्फ चुनावी हार नहीं था, बल्कि एक प्रतीकात्मक चेतावनी भी था कि स्थानीय भावनाओं को हल्के में नहीं लिया जा सकता।
11. UGC नियम और सवर्ण वर्ग की नाराज़गी
हाल के UGC से जुड़े कुछ नियमों और आरक्षण नीतियों को लेकर सवर्ण और शहरी मध्यम वर्ग के बीच गहरी नाराज़गी दिखाई दी।
यह सोच लेना कि “10 प्रतिशत से क्या फर्क पड़ेगा” शायद राजनीतिक भूल हो सकती है।
संख्या कम सही, लेकिन यह वही वर्ग है जो बौद्धिक विमर्श, मीडिया, शिक्षा और प्रशासनिक संरचनाओं में गहरी उपस्थिति रखता है।
अगर यह वर्ग पूरी तरह असंतुष्ट हो जाए, तो उसका प्रभाव चुनावी राजनीति में भी दिखाई देता है।
12. नेतृत्व की शैली
पिछले दस वर्षों में पार्टी और सरकार बहुत हद तक टू-मैन मॉडल पर चलती दिखी।
अब समय है कि संगठन को फिर से कार्यकर्ताओं और व्यापक नेतृत्व से जोड़ा जाए।
अंत में
अभी भी देर नहीं हुई है।
अगर सरकार विकास, सांस्कृतिक आत्मविश्वास और समर्थकों की अपेक्षाओं के बीच संतुलन बना लेती है, तो आगे का रास्ता और मजबूत हो सकता है।
याद रखिए —
भाजपा को सबसे ज्यादा ताकत हिंदू मध्यम वर्ग और समर्पित कार्यकर्ताओं ने दी है।
उन्हें साथ रखना ही असली राजनीतिक पूंजी है।
राष्ट्रहित सर्वोपरि।
जय श्री राम।
हर हर महादेव। 🚩
BJP INDIA Ajeet Bharti Amit Shah Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
सादर : सुधीर नौडियाल 🙏

4 days ago | [YT] | 4

Pahadi Sudhir N

Deep State's demons celebration 😡

Let us be clear — the excise policy case is not the only controversy surrounding Arvind Kejriwal and his administration.
Questions have been raised in connection with the Delhi Jal Board, alleged irregularities in school construction projects, and the so-called “Sheesh Mahal” renovation controversy. These are not minor procedural issues; they involve serious allegations concerning the use of public funds.
One interim court order does not wipe away larger concerns. Legal scrutiny is layered. Appeals are filed. Evidence is examined. Decisions are reviewed.
If investigative agencies conduct their work independently and thoroughly, and if courts examine the material on record through full trial and appellate processes, the outcome will depend on facts — not slogans.
Public office demands the highest level of transparency. Accountability cannot be selective. If there is nothing to hide, then due process should not be feared.

The Larger Question of Governance
The recent developments in cases involving Arvind Kejriwal have once again polarized public opinion. However, it is important to recognize that the excise policy controversy is only one among several matters that have attracted scrutiny.
Issues linked to the Delhi Jal Board, questions over school infrastructure expenditure, and the controversy around the renovation of the Chief Minister’s residence have all been subjects of political and legal debate.
Individually, each case will stand or fall on evidence. Collectively, they shape public perception about governance standards.
In a democracy governed by the rule of law, final conclusions emerge only after full judicial examination. Appeals, evidentiary hearings, and reasoned judgments are integral parts of that process.
The real test is not temporary relief or political messaging — it is whether institutions are allowed to function independently and whether leaders are prepared to subject themselves to transparent scrutiny.
Public trust is earned not by declarations of victory, but by sustained accountability.

It is also important to note the apparent divergence in judicial findings at different stages. At one stage, a court observed that there was sufficient material on record to justify custodial proceedings, resulting in judicial custody. Subsequently, the Rouse Avenue Court dismissed the case citing lack of evidence. Such contrasting assessments naturally raise questions about judicial interpretation and evidentiary appreciation. The fact that the Central Bureau of Investigation has now approached the Delhi High Court underscores that the matter is far from settled. In a system of layered judicial review, differing conclusions are ultimately tested before higher courts, where consistency, reasoning, and application of law are examined in depth.
sudhir naudiyal 🙏

2 weeks ago | [YT] | 3

Pahadi Sudhir N

Pressure, Not Political Experimentation.........must read

Power Equations and the Crisis of Survival: A Historical Warning for the Upper Castes
India’s politics today stands at a crossroads where the line between opposition and alternative has become increasingly blurred. Sections of the upper-caste community, driven by political dissatisfaction, are contemplating “anti-Modi” positioning or regime change. However, any such strategy must be evaluated not through emotion, but through hard demographic data and the sobering lessons of history.
1. The Demographic Labyrinth: The Arithmetic of 52%
India’s electoral landscape is fundamentally a game of numbers, where even minor miscalculations can prove self-defeating.
The Coalition Challenge: If approximately 20% Muslim voters and around 32% SC/ST voters consolidate under a unified political narrative—such as “Save the Constitution” or demands for caste census—it creates a consolidated 52% voting bloc.
The Minority Within the Majority: The remaining 48%—comprising upper castes, OBCs, and others—remain internally divided. In such a scenario, the upper-caste community (roughly 10–15% of the population) risks political marginalization. Historically, when vote-bank politics dominates governance, policy priorities often sideline groups with minimal bargaining power.
2. Echoes of History: From Fragmentation to Decline
History offers stern lessons. Whenever a society’s leading class fractured due to internal discord, it weakened its own authority and influence.
Medieval India: From the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan to the eventual decline of the Maratha Empire, internal disunity against common adversaries often proved decisive.
Global Patterns: Across the world, ideological fragmentation within majority groups has frequently enabled more cohesive and organized minorities to assert political dominance. The question, therefore, is whether present anti-incumbency sentiment risks producing a future in which upper-caste voices lose effective political platforms altogether.
3. Not “Seeking Shelter,” But Strategic Necessity
To frame alignment with the Bharatiya Janata Party merely as “seeking refuge” would be reductive. From this perspective, it is viewed instead as a matter of political self-preservation.
Protective Umbrella: The current central leadership under Narendra Modi is perceived by supporters as articulating Hindu civilizational concerns on a global platform, especially in an era shaped by information warfare and competing international narratives.
The Question of Alternatives: If dissatisfaction leads to the removal of the present leadership, what ideological foundation would replace it? Would the successor political framework prioritize upper-caste concerns regarding education, reservation policies, and cultural identity?
4. The Technical Reality: Ego vs. Survival
A segment of the upper-caste electorate, citing tradition or intellectual distinction, sometimes withdraws from active political participation in protest. Yet modern democracy does not weigh intellectual pedigree—it counts votes.
If a consolidated 52% electoral front emerges, fragmentation within the remaining electorate could lead to prolonged political irrelevance for future generations.
Conclusion
Dissatisfaction with current leadership is legitimate in a democracy. The right to dissent is fundamental. However, history repeatedly demonstrates a harsh principle: when a group undermines its perceived protector without securing a viable alternative, it may inadvertently empower forces less aligned with its interests.
The present moment, therefore, is framed not as one for experimentation, but for consolidation. History, after all, records the victors—not those who may have been right, but divided.
— Adapted from a public post attributed to Siddharth Singh

4 weeks ago | [YT] | 0

Pahadi Sudhir N

My dear Sanatani Hindu patriots,
In Islam, “love” means religious conversion.
Before marrying Mansoor Ali Khan Pataudi, Sharmila Tagore accepted Islam, after which she was given the name Ayesha Begum.
If the love was true, then why the insistence on conversion to Islam? And if Islam was accepted, why the insistence on continuing to be known as Sharmila Tagore?
Because films would not succeed in the name of Ayesha Begum.
For films to work in a Hindu-majority nation,
a Hindu name is needed.
Often, to fool Hindus and the entire world, Muslim and secular intellectuals propagate that such divorce incidents happen only among the uneducated sections, whereas the reality is quite different.
Were Imran Khan or Nawab Pataudi uneducated?
Then why didn’t Nawab Pataudi abandon Islam and become Hindu in order to marry Sharmila, who belonged to Rabindranath Tagore’s family?
If Saif Ali Khan loved Amrita Singh so much, why didn’t Saif become Hindu?
Then he abandoned Amrita Singh and married Kareena Kapoor and named his son Taimur.
Taimur was one of the greatest enemies of Hindus.
From this one can infer that their ideal is that same bloodthirsty Taimur Lang who carried out massacres in India.
Closing one’s eyes does not make it night.
“Love is blind.”
“All religions are equal.”
“In marriage, religion doesn’t matter, only the heart does.”
“Muslims are also human beings.”
Those who say this should think once.
Hindu girls who believe that something like “love jihad” does not exist should reflect:
Can a Muslim girl marry a Hindu boy in a love marriage and become his Hindu wife?
So-called Islamic scholar Zakir Naik has repeatedly said that Islam is “one-way traffic.”
One can enter Islam, but cannot leave it.
Could both not have followed their own religions while living in the same house?
Why is becoming Muslim necessary?
And this is exactly what raises doubts about Muslim intentions.
In Delhi, Ankit Saxena was murdered on the road in front of his parents because he was going to marry a Muslim girl.
That girl’s parents and uncle slit Ankit Saxena’s throat and killed him on the street.
Jemima Marcelle Goldsmith and Imran Khan:
Jemima, the 21-year-old daughter of British billionaire Sir James Goldsmith, fell into the love trap of Pakistani cricketer Imran Khan, who was 42 years old. In 1995 she married him, adopted Islam, was named Haika Khan, learned Urdu, went to Pakistan, tried to adapt to its culture, and gave birth to two children, Suleiman and Qasim.
What was the result?
Divorce—divorce—divorce.
She returned to Britain.
Again the same question: was Imran Khan uneducated?
Or was he not modern?
In 24 Parganas, West Bengal, Nageshwar Das’s 21-year-old daughter Saraswati married a much older Mohammed Merajuddin in 1997, adopted Islam, and was named Sabra Begum.
After only six years of married life and four children, Merajuddin gave her an oral divorce.
Now you can imagine what happened to Saraswati alias Sabra Begum after being thrown out with four children—she could neither return to her father’s home nor even commit suicide.
Renowned Bengali poet Kazi Nazrul Islam and Humayun Kabir (a former Union Minister) also married Hindu girls.
Did any of them become Hindu?
Mohammad Azharuddin too abandoned his Muslim wife Naureen after she bore four children and married Sangeeta Bijlani; after a few years he divorced her as well—without regret or remorse.
Among those who abandoned their wives and children and married again in the above examples, how many were illiterate or poorly educated?
Then where did education play any role?
This is pure love jihad.
Waheeda Rehman married Kamaljeet, who became Muslim.
Arun Govil’s brother married Tabassum and became Muslim.
Former President Dr. Zakir Husain’s daughter married a Hindu Brahmin IPS officer, who also became Muslim.
A lesser-known actress Kiran Vairale married a relative of Dilip Kumar and disappeared; her whereabouts are still unknown.
In this chain, the most surprising name is that of senior CPI leader Indrajit Gupta.
A communist who was an MP from Medinipur, West Bengal for 37 years, who considered religion as opium, educated at St. Stephen’s College, Delhi, and King’s College, Cambridge—at the age of 62 he became Muslim (Iftiar Ghani) to marry a Muslim woman, Suraiya.
Indrajit Gupta had been in love with Suraiya for a long time and waited until her divorce from her husband Ahmed Ali (a social worker and father of Nafisa Ali).
But the result of this devoted love was the same as always:
Yes—“one-way traffic.”
Suraiya did not become Hindu; instead, the communist who abused religion day and night definitely became “Iftiar Ghani.”
Similarly, well-educated advocate Ahmed Khan divorced his wife Shah Bano at the age of 62 after 50 years of marriage; she was the mother of five children.
Here too the reason was a much younger 20-year-old woman—perhaps younger girls are also a weakness for these Muslims.
This case sparked a nationwide debate on Muslim Personal Law.
Shah Bano had to approach the Supreme Court for maintenance.
Rajiv Gandhi overturned the Supreme Court’s decision using his overwhelming majority due to “vote-bank politics,” prioritizing clerics and sidelining liberal Muslims like Arif Mohammad Khan.
The conclusion is that education or being well-educated makes no difference—
for Muslims, Islam, Sharia, and the Quran are paramount; nation and society come later.
Sheikh Abdullah and his son Farooq Abdullah both married English women after converting them to Islam.
If they were truly secular, they would have adopted Christianity themselves and become English.
Even their grandson, current Jammu & Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, married a Hindu girl “Payal” but did not become Hindu; instead, he converted that Hindu girl to Islam.
This shows that “secularism” and “Islam” have no connection whatsoever, and what is shown is mere hypocrisy and deception.
Another point is that Hindus are always the easy target for religious conversion, unlike Christians.
Consider one more example:
A.L. Dias was a Governor of West Bengal from August 1971 to November 1979. His daughter Laila Dias fell into the love trap of a “love jihadi” Zahid Ali.
Laila expressed her desire to marry Zahid.
Governor Dias summoned Zahid to Raj Bhavan and on 16 May 1974 persuaded him to abandon Islam and become Christian.
All this was done under the supervision of the then Congress Chief Minister Siddhartha Shankar Ray.
Three weeks after converting to Christianity, Laila Dias married Zahid Ali (now Christian) at St. Thomas Church, Middleton Street, Kolkata.
The implication of this example is that even educated, elite, Western-exposed people like Mr. Dias understood the “intentions” of a Muslim love jihadi and insisted on converting him to Christianity, whereas Hindu parents still chant “tolerance” and “secularism.” And if someone exposes these intentions, they are labeled “communal.”
Even many girls are unwilling to learn from their deceived friends.
They will find a hundred faults in a Hindu boy, but consider it “communalism” to even inquire about a Muslim jihadi of no standing.
One among thousands of such tales is from the Maheshwari community of Sironj.
Sironj is a tehsil about 50 miles from Vidisha.
Two hundred years ago, Sironj was under the rule of the Nawab of Tonk.
Once the Nawab visited the area; that same night, a Maheshwari merchant’s daughter was to be married.
By chance, a valuable slipper fell from the bridal palanquin.
Someone delivered it to the Nawab’s camp, telling him that the one who wore it was even more beautiful.
Upon hearing this, the Nawab demanded the merchant’s daughter.
The Maheshwari community was shaken—giving the daughter was unthinkable.
What was to be done?
Through diplomacy, they informed the Nawab that the bride would be sent in the morning, which pleased him.
Meanwhile, overnight the Maheshwaris fled the town with the girl and collectively decided that no one from their community would ever drink water there or reside there again.
They abandoned their home in one night and migrated to another state, but did not compromise their honor and identity.
Even today, this tradition continues: when a Maheshwari visits Sironj, they neither drink the water nor stay overnight, honoring their ancestors’ vow and protesting Muslim oppression.
Muslim rulers competed in abducting Hindu girls, making them victims of lust and filling their harems. Because of this, Hindu society always lived in fear.
Note how Hindu society chose to abandon land, wealth, and property and accept wandering, but never compromised its religion.
If Hindu society today gives such teachings, sacrifices, and inspiring history to its daughters from childhood, no Hindu girl will ever fall prey to love jihad.

4 weeks ago | [YT] | 2

Pahadi Sudhir N

Warning: This piece is deliberately uncompromising.
Those addicted to hollow secular platitudes may step away.
What needs to be said will be said—plainly, without euphemism or evasion.
It is often claimed that terror has no religion.
This assertion, repeated endlessly, is not just misleading—it is a complete falsehood.
Religion teaches the justification of bloodshed.
Religion promises rewards for killing.
Religion plants dreams of seventy-two houris in young minds and trains sixteen-year-old boys to strap explosives around their waists and die in the name of faith.
Before we proceed further, let us first dismantle the myth—that terrorism is detached from religious ideology.
Now, let us look at facts.
1993, Kishtwar: A bus was hijacked. Hindus were selectively killed; others were released.
1998, Wandhama: Twenty-three Hindus were identified by religion and murdered in their homes.
1998, Prankote (Udhampur): Hindus were forced to recite the Kalma. Twenty-nine were killed for refusing.
2000, Chittisinghpura: Thirty-six Sikhs were massacred. Soon after, 105 Hindu Amarnath pilgrims were slaughtered.
2003, Nandimarg: Twenty-four Hindus were dragged out of their homes and executed.
2006, Doda: Fifty-four Hindus were butchered—among them four girls barely three years old. The brutality was so extreme that the doctor conducting post-mortems reportedly suffered a heart attack.
2021: A school was attacked. Hindu teachers were identified and killed selectively.
These are not isolated incidents.
They are part of a continuum—stretching not just across Kashmir, but across the country, across centuries.
The list is endless. Writing it in full would take an entire day.
People forgot 1990.
They forgot 2000.
They will forget Pahalgam 2025 as well.
Yet even after knowing all this, while chanting slogans of democracy and pluralism, you will still hesitate to say this openly:
👉 This is not merely about religion.
This is about an imperial, militaristic ideology—one that seeks global dominance and allows no space for any other belief system.
As long as you bury your head in the sand—invoking tolerance, non-violence, humanity, dissent, and coexistence—this militant ideology will continue to label you kafir and kill you.
Iraq.
Iran.
Afghanistan.
Pakistan.
Bangladesh.
Kashmir.
Mumbai.
Murshidabad.
Bengal.
Kolkata.
Kerala.
Pahalgam.
This will continue.
Land will keep slipping away.
Hindus will keep getting killed.
Girls will keep getting raped.
Temples will keep getting demolished.
Slowly, a day will come when you will be left with no land to flee to.
From Iraq—some converted, some fled.
From Iran—some converted, some fled.
From Afghanistan—some converted, some fled.
From Pakistan—some converted, some fled.
From Bangladesh—some converted, some fled.
From Kashmir—they fled.
Now tell me—
from Uttar Pradesh, where will you flee?
Out of India’s states, Hindus remain a majority in barely nineteen.
Even from there, escape routes are vanishing.
So stop trimming leaves and start uprooting the root.

As long as you attack symptoms and spare the source, this poisonous tree will thrive.
Only by destroying the root of terror can survival be ensured.
And who will do that?
The answer is expected—from you.

4 weeks ago (edited) | [YT] | 1

Pahadi Sudhir N

They say that humans once had a tail. Then humans learned to use both legs and hands, the need for a tail ended. Since it was no longer used, the tail gradually became inactive and one day disappeared.
If humans had a tail today, it would be very useful. If there were a tail, one would have to make a hole in the pants, which would serve as an ideal passage for air. Fresh air going inside would keep many people’s backsides cool. After holding a book in one hand and a computer in the other, an AK-47 could be held with the tail.
If there were a tail, one could pinch a girl and put the blame on someone else. Love letters could easily be delivered to a girlfriend’s high window. By fixing a camera at the tip of the tail, one could peep into others’ houses. Pharmaceutical companies would compete to make medicines to increase tail length, which would also benefit the country’s economy.
But since the tail no longer exists, all this talk is meaningless. What’s the use of rain when the crops have already dried? The tail may have disappeared, but the mark is still there where it once grew. Some of the highest religious posts are also like a tail. Who knows when, after becoming inactive, they too might disappear. Respect for the post, the dignity of the post, and your caste-based faith all have their place—but along with politics, please also perform actions worthy of the post, swayambhu Maharaj....come above the board instead of doing all actions to please a italian waitress..😡
Once the tail is gone, you can keep scratching the mark. Scratching will not make the tail grow back.

1 month ago | [YT] | 7

Pahadi Sudhir N

In an earlier judgement the Gujarat High Court has shattered the Sunni Waqf Board’s dream of taking control over two islands of Bet Dwarka. This issue is currently being widely discussed in Gujarat. We came to know about it through social media; otherwise, it might never have come to light…!!
To understand how migration happens, how encroachment takes place, and what “land jihad” means, one only needs to study Bet Dwarka island—the entire process becomes clear. Until a few years ago, almost the entire population here was Hindu. This area falls under the Okha municipality and the only way to reach it is by water; therefore, people use boats to travel in and out of Bet Dwarka. The ancient temple of Dwarkadhish is located here. It is said that 5,000 years ago Rukmini installed the idol here…!!
Surrounded by the sea, this island used to be very peaceful. The main occupation of the people was fishing. Gradually, Muslim fishermen from outside began arriving here. The kind-hearted Hindu population allowed them to stay and fish. Slowly, the entire fishing business came under Muslim control. With funding from outside, they started selling fish at cheaper prices, which made Hindu fishermen unemployed. The Hindu population then began migrating out of the island in search of work.
But another “experiment” took place here. The boat fare from Bet Dwarka to Okha used to be ₹8. Now, since all boats had come under Muslim control, a new rule was introduced: a Hindu traveling by boat to Okha would be charged ₹100, while a Muslim would still pay ₹8. If a daily-wage Hindu had to spend ₹200 just on commuting, what would he save…??
As a result, Hindus began migrating from there for employment. Now only about 15% of the population is Hindu. The two main sources of livelihood—fishing and transport—were taken away from Hindus. As in many other places, about 90% of occupations such as masons, carpenters, electricians, drivers, barbers, and other manual trades have also been handed over to them…!!
Bet Dwarka has a 5,000-year-old temple that Hindus used to visit for darshan. The so-called jihadists then adopted a new method. Since they had control over transportation, they began demanding ₹4,000 to ₹5,000 for a 20–30 minute boat journey from pilgrims. How could an ordinary person afford such an expensive fare? People stopped going there. Once they had complete control, houses started coming up everywhere. Very soon, the ancient temple was surrounded on all sides by mazars. The remaining Hindu population grew tired of repeatedly appealing to the government. Then some Hindu social workers took notice and warned the government. The government began construction of a signature bridge from Okha to Bet Dwarka, and when investigations into other issues started, the investigating agencies were shocked…!!
In Gujarat, the Sunni Waqf Board laid claim to two islands of Bet Dwarka, located in Lord Krishna’s city of Dwarka. In its application, the Waqf Board claimed ownership of two islands of Bet Dwarka. The Gujarat High Court expressed surprise and asked how one could claim ownership over Krishna’s city, and thereafter dismissed the petition. Bet Dwarka has about eight islands, two of which have temples of Lord Krishna…!!
Ancient legends say that while worshipping Lord Krishna, Meera merged into his idol here. About 7,000 families live on these two islands of Bet Dwarka, of which around 6,000 families are Muslim. This is a small island off the coast of Dwarka, located very close to Okha. On this basis, the Waqf Board stakes its claim over these two islands. This conspiracy was exposed at a very early stage. According to security agencies, in this phase some people were occupying land and carrying out illegal construction on sites that could pose a major threat to India’s internal security from a strategic point of view. Now, illegal encroachments and mazars are being demolished…!!
With the grace of Hon’ble Shri Narendra Modi ji, the sea link has now been inaugurated, and the business of transporting people in boats or small vessels by Muslims is also going to collapse…!!
No Muslim who comes to Bet Dwarka is a local; all are from outside. Yet, within just a few years, they gradually took everything away from the Hindus there, and an island of a state like Gujarat in India turned into Syria…!!
Being cautious and vigilant is extremely necessary. Share as much as possible…!!
Hamen apni dhraharon ko wapas lena padega aur basla lena hoga ..zihadiyon ko apne dhaarmik sthanon se bedakhal akrna hoga ...chaahe aseem shakti ka prayog karna pade..

“Nation first.”

1 month ago | [YT] | 0

Pahadi Sudhir N

The radical Islamic revolution in Iran is living on borrowed time. Its collapse was inevitable from the moment Islamists erased Iran’s ancient civilizational faith through blood, coercion, and terror. The survival of the Parsis was possible only because they fled to India—history’s permanent reminder of what radical ideology does when it seizes power.
Wherever radical Islam has established dominance, it has either annihilated indigenous cultures or forcibly rewritten them. India was the lone exception—not because the threat did not exist, but because it was resisted. Since that failure, ideological flag-bearers of this extremism have remained fixated on dismantling India from within.
While India’s civilization continues to flow uninterrupted, Iran’s theocratic project is rotting from inside. A regime that murders women for defying dress codes, brutalizes students for asserting dignity, and weaponizes religion to crush freedom has forfeited all moral legitimacy.
The silence of global leftists ; specially the LAMPAT vampanthi in India, over the killings of Mahsa Amini and countless unnamed Iranian women exposes their hypocrisy. They selectively manufacture outrage where it suits their politics, but fall mute when crimes are committed under the banner of a “protected” ideology. Narratives are fabricated, excuses invented, and blame diverted—yet the truth remains unchanged: a single extremist worldview is responsible.
Radical Islamist regimes are graveyards of women’s rights. The same activists who perform moral theatrics elsewhere would never dare practice their slogans there. Their outrage ends where ideological convenience begins.
History is unforgiving to systems that survive by fear, repression, and violence. Iran’s theocratic experiment stands as a warning—not just to Iranians, but to every society tempted to tolerate fanaticism in the name of false secularism or selective morality.
Civilizations endure. Extremist ideologies collapse.

Iran, along with other radical Islamist countries, is hell for women. Feminists will not hold “Kiss of Love” parades there; Arfa Khanum and Rana Ayyub will not be able to smoke hookah there wearing tight clothes. These are sold-out people who betray the nation and culture for petty gains.

In any case, the radical ideology that does not accept the existence of anyone except itself should be destroyed globally.
I wish Pakistan and all countries that follow Iran-style extremist ideology to be included in this war, so that all the garbage is cleaned out at once and the world can breathe in peace, free from terrorism.

1 month ago | [YT] | 0

Pahadi Sudhir N

Some of India’s most prominent senior advocates are known to command extraordinarily high professional fees. On an average hearing day, figures frequently mentioned include ₹35–40 lakh for Kapil Sibal and around ₹30–35 lakh for Abhishek Manu Singhvi. In high-stakes corporate litigation, these amounts are often said to rise into the crore range. Other well-known names such as Siddharth Luthra, Siddharth Dave, and Trideep Pais are also reported to charge close to ₹10 lakh per appearance.
Now consider Umar Khalid.
He is widely known as a former JNU student activist, often associated in public discourse with controversial slogans and left-leaning ideological positions. He has been in custody for nearly five years, and once again, the Supreme Court has declined to grant him bail.
At this point, a natural question arises: why list the legal fees of these elite advocates?
The reason given is that all of the above-mentioned lawyers are collectively representing Umar Khalid. He remains incarcerated in connection with allegations relating to conspiracy in the Delhi riots, anti-national sloganeering, and charges including sedition.
Umar Khalid, now 38, was born in Delhi. His father is from Maharashtra, and his mother hails from Uttar Pradesh. He is described as coming from a modest, middle-class background. During his time at Jawaharlal Nehru University, he was pursuing a PhD with the help of a scholarship or fellowship.
This leads to another question that many people raise: how does a research scholar from a middle-class family, dependent on financial assistance for education, manage the services of some of the country’s most expensive and influential lawyers?
Whether bail was granted or denied—and the legal reasoning behind it—is not the focus here, despite extensive debate on social media platforms.
What draws attention instead is the estimated cost of legal representation. When multiple senior advocates appear together before the Supreme Court, the combined professional fee for a single date of hearing is often speculated to be close to ₹1 crore. The puzzling issue, therefore, is not legal strategy but financial logistics: who arranges such a sum for every court appearance?
Is the average Indian middle-class household realistically capable of funding legal expenses of this magnitude? If not, then where does this money come from? Even if one assumes—purely hypothetically—that these lawyers are offering their services pro bono, the question remains: what motivates such exceptional generosity?
It is worth noting, as frequently cited in discussions, that Abhishek Manu Singhvi has allegedly charged substantial fees even from close relatives for court appearances, and Siddharth Luthra is also said to have billed family members for professional services. These references are often used to argue that free representation by such advocates is rare.
Finally, some background frequently mentioned in public discourse relates to Umar Khalid’s family. His father’s name is Syed Qasim Rasool Ilyas. He has been described by critics as having had associations with SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India). SIMI was once an Islamic student organization that was later banned by the Government of India on grounds of involvement in activities considered a threat to national security.
The organization has faced allegations of promoting extremism, disrupting communal harmony, and acting against the sovereignty and integrity of the country. According to official assessments, its stated objective included mobilizing youth for ideological indoctrination, with claims that it encouraged radicalization in the name of religion.
In the decades when India witnessed repeated bomb blasts, terror incidents, or communal disturbances, SIMI’s alleged involvement was frequently cited in investigations, supported—according to authorities—by documentary and material evidence.
There is an old saying that to understand a person, one must look at their upbringing and familial influences. For many observers, Umar Khalid’s background is seen as inseparable from the public image and identity he carries today.
Jai Hind 🇮🇳

1 month ago | [YT] | 0

Pahadi Sudhir N

As we step into 2026, I express my heartfelt gratitude to everyone who has been part of my journey—family, friends, colleagues, and all those who crossed my path in the professional sphere and beyond.
For me, 2025 passed with relative peace, calm, and balance. I sincerely hope it was gentle for you as well, and if not, may the coming year heal, uplift, and reassure you.
May 2026 make us more spiritual and compassionate, more connected to our work, to humanity, to nature, and to all living beings. May it nurture empathy, kindness, and respect for life in all its forms.
I pray that this year strengthens us in both our professional and personal lives, blessing us with strength, inspiration, peace, good health, prosperity, clarity of thought, and growth in intellectual capacity.
Above all, may peace prevail—in our hearts, in our society, in India, and across the world.
सर्वे भवन्तु सुखिनः
सर्वे सन्तु निरामयाः।
सर्वे भद्राणि पश्यन्तु
मा कश्चिद् दुःखभाग्भवेत्॥

( May all be happy,
may all be free from illness,
may all witness auspiciousness,
and may no one suffer in any way)

Wishing you a meaningful, harmonious, and uplifting New Year. 🌿
Sadar : Sudhir Naudiyal 🙏

1 month ago | [YT] | 9